37 
 
LITERATURE REVIEW 
This chapter offers a background of the study of da’wah to Japanese Muslim 
youth by focusing on literature that has supported the researcher's choice of thesis 
subjects and prompted the research questions. It is divided into five parts: Section 2.1 
presents Islam and Muslims in Japan; Section 2.2 highlights challenges faced by 
Japanese Muslim Youth; Section 2.3 presents studies of da’wah to Muslim minority 
communities; Section 2.4 presents studies of da’wah to young Muslims; and 
Section 2.5 discusses previous studies of youth and cultural exchange programmes. 
Section 2.1 illustrates how Islam is the chosen faith for very few ethnic 
Japanese, and attempts to explain why there seems to be a prevailing lack of interest 
towards Islam among ethnic Japanese although Japanese scholars had studied Islam for 
many years, and despite the growing number of mosques. 
Section 2.2 highlights the challenges that confront the Japanese Muslim youth in 
their daily lives, how these challenges create an extremely difficult environment for the 
Japanese Muslim youth, as well as shape the experiences of these youth. 
Section 2.3 present studies on da’wah to Muslim minority communities in 5 
countries: Fiji, Italy, China, Hong Kong and Australia. It also explores the question of 
whether there is an example during the Prophet's lifetime and leadership which Muslims 
can use as a precedent and reference. 
38 
Section 2.4 presents studies of da’wah to young Muslims and their identity 
struggles, what has been found to work and what doesn't, in terms of strengthening their 
Muslim identity. 
Section 2.5 presents studies of youth and cultural exchange programmes and 
illustrates how an international cultural exchange has the capacity to broaden the 
mindset of youth as well as leave a lasting impression. In particular, Section 2.5.1 
highlights previous studies on Japanese youth and cultural exchange programmes, how 
the intercultural experience and exposure has helped built the Japanese youth's 
confidence, as well as enabled the Japanese youth to establish meaningful connections 
with the people (host parents and families) they connected with. As will be seen from 
these studies, the intercultural experience has been proven to be an effective approach 
to shape the mindset of youth, in particular, Japanese youth, as it has the potential to 
leave a lasting impact, apart from broadening the mindset of participating youth. Yet, 
there is a dearth in research in terms of applying the cultural exchange programme 
approach involving Muslim host parents and families for the Japanese Muslim youth to 
immerse themselves in, to gain insights of how practising Muslims lead their lives in a 
multicultural society. This is the gap that the present research aims to address. 
In sum, the five sections in this chapter illustrate the challenges shaping the 
experiences of Japanese Muslim youth and the da’wah efforts carried out in Japan. 
Taken together, they form the framework for this research project and assist the 
researcher in defining the theoretical lens and perspective for this research, shape the 
questions asked, inform how data was collected and analysed, as well as guide the 
conclusions and recommendations presented. The literatures in this chapter provide the 
backdrop and context for the current study, a cultural exchange programme applying 
the Concept of Al-ta’āruf , with the hope of strengthening the identity of second 
39 
generation Japanese Muslim youth. In short, the researcher presents past literature 
pertaining to the interactions and exposure of Japanese youth growing up in Japan, and 
suggests interventions that are required to develop their confidence as Muslims. 
2.1 Islam and Muslims in Japan 
In 1998, 80% of Muslims in Japan were non-Japanese, belonging to the lower- 
income group, originating from South Asian countries including Pakistan, India, 
Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. There were also Muslims from Central Asia, specifically 
from Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan, as well as from Iran and Egypt (Middle-East), 
Turkey, and Nigeria, Africa. The majority were Indonesian, Pakistani, Bangladeshi and 
Iranian. Majority of Indonesians who came to Japan were high school graduates in their 
twenties or thirties. Bangladeshis came to Japan to further their studies but many 
dropped out due to the high costs of living, ending up as illegal workers particularly in 
manufacturing. Pakistanis came to Japan to gain employment; they played a significant 
role in establishing mosques in Japan and many of them end up setting up businesses in 
Japan (Takeshita, S. 2008). 
In 2016, Professor Hirofumi Tanada from the Faculty of Human Sciences, 
Waseda University, a well-known Japanese academic who has a special interest in 
Muslim communities and Islam, estimated the number of Muslims in Japan to be 
170,000 out of which, 40,000 were ethnic Japanese (Organisation of Islamic 
Cooperation, 2019). The total Japanese population was estimated to be 126 million in 
2018 (World Bank, 2018). Thus, ethnic Japanese Muslims living in Japan are a rare 
species indeed. The majority of these Muslims lived in three areas – Greater Tokyo 
Area, Chukyo Metropolitan Area, and Kinki Region (Tanada, 2017). Japan does not 
require immigrants or locals to declare their religious affiliation. Hence, it is virtually 
40 
impossible to cite accurate statistics (Vestre, 2011). Why has Islam not grown amongst 
ethnic Japanese over the years? Several reasons have been offered to explain this. 
Amongst the Japanese, there exists a general indifference towards God and 
religion, coupled with a high pursuit of materialism. The Japanese in general do not feel 
the need to adopt a religious way of life, despite the fact that historically, the Qur’an 
has captured the imagination of Japanese scholars for many years. According to 
Marimoto (1980), the Qur’an has been translated into Japanese beginning with Okawa 
(1980); Izutsu (1957); Ban and Ikeda (1970); and Umar Mita (1972). Among these 
translators, Umar Mita was the first Muslim to translate the Arabic Qur'an into Japanese 
(Marimoto, 1980). According to El Damanhoury (2015), the next translation was done 
by Nakata (2014). The most recent known translation from Arabic into easy Japanese 
was done in 2019 by Sugimoto. 
Sakurai (2008) noted that the majority of Muslims from other countries who 
resided in Japan preferred to keep to their own ethnic group and were not involved in 
da’wah to the local Japanese. According to Sakurai, the Tablighi Jama'at was an 
exception, carrying out da’wah initiatives targeted to other Muslims, both born and 
reverts, especially to those whom they saw as neglecting their religious obligations as 
Muslims, and those who showed early signs of leaving Islam. Sakurai observed that the 
Tablighi Jama'at succeeded to attract a number of non-Japanese Muslims who felt that 
the Japanese culture was unfamiliar to them. At the time the study was made, ethnic 
Japanese women married to non-Japanese Muslim men were observed not to be 
involved with mosque activities. The researcher surmised that this had something to do 
with the background of their born Muslim husbands who came from South Asian 
countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh, and might perceive their dominant male 
authority threatened if their wives were to be involved with the mosque's regular 
41 
activities. If the Japanese wives came from a conservative background where 
patriarchal dominance is still observed, it reinforces the belief that only the husbands 
should actively participate in mosque activities while the wives should stay away 
(Sakurai, 2008). However, this implies that the wives as Muslim reverts would not 
benefit from the Islamic lessons and other da’wah initiatives held by the mosque. 
A case study done on the Tokyo Mosque as a centre of da’wah and Islamic 
education for Muslims can shed some light on how the mosque still plays a significant 
role to be a reference point for Muslims, as well as spread the word of Islam today. 
The Tokyo Mosque welcomes students from schools and higher learning institutions, as 
well as members of the public, who are interested to gain a better understanding about 
Islam. Between 2002-2011, the Tokyo Mosque has published books expounding the 
message of Islam in the Japanese language. In this mosque, the imam delivers sermons 
in three different languages: English, Japanese and Turkish. Apart from the daily five 
regular prayers, the Tokyo Mosque also runs Qur'an classes for youth and children, 
handles translation of the Qur'an into Japanese, helps Muslim couples and families 
resolve their conflicts, provides assistance related to money and career opportunities, 
lends a hand to smaller mosques in other locations in Japan, and collects funds for 
disaster struck Muslim countries in other parts of the world. Besides working with 
certain organisations, the Tokyo Mosque also cooperates with persons on an 
individual basis, where possible. Cultural and educational conferences and seminars 
are presented to educate the Muslims in particular and the Japanese public in 
general, about matters pertaining to Islam. To reach out to the Japanese locals, the 
Tokyo Mosque organises annual bazaars (Siddiqi, 2016). 
  
42 
Other than the Tokyo Mosque, other mosques, for example the Otsuka Mosque, 
also in Tokyo, organises da’wah activities too. Like the Tokyo Mosque, the Otsuka 
Mosque runs Islamic lessons for Muslims every Saturday. These classes educate 
Muslims about Islam and enlighten them about how to do da’wah to Muslims and 
non-Muslims. In addition, Otsuka Mosque invites non-Muslims as guests to learn 
more about Islam (Japan Islamic Trust, 2020). 
The case study of the Tokyo Mosque is an example of how the mosque in Japan 
over the years has continued to provide a multi-functional space for da’wah efforts, 
not merely for worship. As noted by Sakurai (2008), mosques in Japan are attended by 
Muslims of different ethnic groups, despite the fact that each mosque has a tendency 
to be influenced by a certain ethnic and sectarian group. Even with these ongoing 
noble efforts, the number of ethnic Japanese Muslims has remained small throughout 
the years. 
The Japanese who embraced Islam said that it was easy to convert to Islam, but 
difficult to practise Islam, due to the overwhelming pressure from family and friends 
who failed to appreciate the new beliefs, values and practices adopted by them. Hence, 
although generally speaking the Japanese are open-minded people, and Article 14 in 
the Japanese constitution declares that there will be no "discrimination in political, 
economic and social relations because of . . . creed," and Article 19 states "the freedom 
of thought and conscience shall not be violated," Japanese reverts experience 
tremendous pressure to conform to societal expectations to live like the traditional 
Japanese, and thus often found themselves in contradictory circumstances (Anis, 
1998). 
  
43 
Failure to conform place them at risk of being discriminated against. 
Discrimination may take place in implicit ways. Besides, attitudes of the Japanese 
towards people from developing nations tend to be negative. The Japanese view their 
culture as "more advanced" in comparison to developing nations. Hence, if a Japanese 
marries someone from a developing nation, the non-Japanese is expected to conform to 
Japanese ways. This implies that Japanese revert fathers married to Muslims from 
South Asia prefer their children to lead lives as full-fledged Japanese, without adopting 
the Muslim way of life. The fact that born Muslim spouses from developing countries 
tend to have an inferiority complex contributes to the likelihood that the children will be 
raised more Japanese than Muslim, or simply as non-Muslims (Vestre, 2011). 
The uncaring attitude towards God and religion and the endless quest for 
materialism implies that the Japanese are simply not aware of how Islam can bring 
meaning, happiness and fulfilment in life. As evident from the above literatures, much 
leaves to be desired when it comes to da’wah in Japan. The tendency for non- 
Japanese Muslims to keep to their own ethnic group means that they are not engaging 
with Japanese Muslims and non-Muslims. Becoming a Muslim is one thing; staying 
Muslim is another. No Muslim is an island. Everyone needs good practising Muslims to 
support them. 
Although mosques in Japan do carry out outreach programmes, the issue of 
Japanese women married to non-Japanese Muslim men and not involved with mosque 
activities is a matter of concern as these Japanese women are the ones at home who 
are or would be raising children. Although the Tokyo Mosque has diversified 
activities including Qur'an classes for women, youth and children, it must be 
remembered that this is the biggest mosque in Japan. Such varied activities are not 
representative of other smaller mosques scattered throughout Japan, as these smaller 
44 
mosques do not have the means nor the resources to run such diverse activities. The 
fact that each mosque in Japan tends to be influenced by the majority ethnic and 
sectarian group in its management implies that the Japanese Muslim might not feel 
welcome to be part of these mosques. 
In spite of the clear declaration by the Japanese constitution that people living in 
Japan are not to be discriminated against politically, economically and socially just 
because of their different belief systems, the reality is very different, as attested by 
Japanese Muslim reverts. These reverts reported experiencing huge pressure to lead a 
life just like any other Japanese, even if it means contradicting the Muslim way of life. 
There exist "unwritten rules" amongst the Japanese e.g. drinking saké with elders as a 
show of respect which are not in accordance with Islamic values, a discouragement to 
behave in a way that is not perceived as Japanese. 
Along these lines, it is not surprising that Islam has hardly grown in Japan over 
the years; the majority of Muslims in Japan are still non-Japanese and the number of 
ethnic Japanese Muslim has remained very small until now. 
 Ignorance about Islam 
To begin with, there is widespread ignorance about Islam in Japan. What the 
Japanese know about Islam is mostly inaccurate or vague at best, gleaned from 
whatever media is accessible to them, both print and online. It is virtually impossible for 
the Japanese to make real comparisons between what is true and what is false with 
respect to Islam since most Japanese have never had any kind of direct contact with 
practising Muslims. Muslim preachers (da’ī) brought in by ethnic groups only tend to 
speak ethnic languages, not Japanese. Such programmes only appeal to members of 
these ethnic groups (Fathil & Fathil, 2011). 
45 
Not only that, the Muslim preachers (da’ī) do not have a firm grasp and 
understanding of Japanese local culture, traditions and customs. They received no 
prior training to prepare them for the unique Japanese landscape. Insufficient funds 
means that the Japanese Muslims need to seek financial support from majority 
Muslim countries to organise da’wah programmes, but the funds they received was 
often not enough to build mosques and carry out programmes. Religious syncretism – 
adopting any part of a belief system that they feel is beneficial and rejecting the rest is a 
phenomena that is unique to Japan. Historically, the Japanese have adopted parts of 
Shintoism and Buddhism that they like and discarded the rest. The concept of Islam, 
belief in one God, is perceived as too rigid, too hard to adhere to (Fathil & Fathil, 
2011). 
Given the prevailing lack of understanding about Islam throughout Japan 
amongst ethnic Japanese who have been fed with unclear information at best about 
Islam, effort must be done to create programmes that appeal to the hearts and minds of 
the Japanese. These programmes should relay accurate information about Islam to the 
Japanese. Consideration must be made that each culture is unique and so is Japan. 
Individuals or organisations interested in engaging ethnic Japanese Muslims and non- 
Muslims need to acquire at least a basic knowledge of Japanese traditions and 
customs. Training is important to equip these individuals and organisations with 
accurate knowledge of Japan's culture, including language, as communication is a key 
factor in the success of da’wah. No matter how good the content being communicated 
to the mad’u is, the objectives are likely not to be achieved if the da’i fails to 
communicate effectively in a language that is easily understood by the mad’u. The da’i 
must show that Islam is a beautiful and simple religion, not rigid as perceived by the 
Japanese. 
46 
 Islamophobia in Japan 
The discovery of Muslims being profiled in Japan through leaked internal 
documents in 2010 proved that Islamophobia was not a matter restricted to the West. 
This discovery raised alarm amongst Muslims in Japan as well as human rights 
advocates. These leaked internal documents contained personal information of 72,000 
Muslims throughout Japan. The surveillance covered mosques, halal restaurants and 
Muslim groups. The discovery of these documents brought about a court case in 
which the Muslim plaintiffs contended that their religious freedom had been violated 
and they had been discriminated against. However, in 2016, Japan's Supreme Court 
concluded that "blanket surveillance of Muslims was a necessary measure to prevent 
international terrorism" (Takahashi, 2018). This situation brought uneasiness and 
fear among Muslim families, organisations and individuals. A second appeal 
against the Supreme Court's verdict was not successful (Ghazali, 2016). Still, the 
increasing number of Muslim tourists and Muslim residents scattered throughout 
Japan have somewhat helped to alleviate these concerns. Muslim residents, in 
particular, use mosques as a platform to voice their support against all kinds of 
crime and acts of terrorism (Yamagata, 2019). In fact according to Professor 
Hirofumi Tanada of Waseda University, at the end of 2018, there were a total of 105 
mosques spread over 36 out of a total of 47 prefectures in Japan (Tanada, 2019). This 
figure implies that Islam is indeed spreading in Japan albeit slowly despite the threat of 
Islamophobia globally. Clearly, da’wah effort is ongoing to help local Japanese to 
understand the real nature of Islam, even though the effectiveness might be a matter 
of debate. 
  
47 
Post 9/11, Islamophobia has painted, and continues to paint a picture of Islam as 
a religion that is cruel and violent, unsuitable with modern life, conflicting with Euro- 
American values (Akbarzadeh, 2016 & Suleiman, 2017). Muslims are increasingly seen 
as the "Other", whose presence is a threat (Morgan & Poynting, 2016). This negative 
perspective has made Muslims feel marginalised. Rising anti-Islamic sentiments across 
the world has brought about far-reaching implications felt by Muslims the world over 
(Akbarzadeh, 2016). A meta-analysis of 345 published studies that looked into how 
global media influenced the Muslim and Islamic identity reported that a significant 
majority of the media have focused on themes on "terrorism", "migration" and "war", 
and neglected sources from Muslim countries and Muslim media, negatively framing 
Muslims (Ahmed & Matthes, 2016). 
Non-Japanese Muslim men who were not well-versed about Islam and who 
married local Japanese women, by virtue of their lack of understanding of Islam, were 
unable to lead their wives and children to the true path of Islam. This is partly 
responsible to create a negative perception towards Islam among the Japanese people. 
The Indo-Pakistani Muslim husbands who are devoted Muslims, who do well in their 
own businesses, and who made the decision to send their Japanese wives and children 
to the Middle-East to have a more Islamic education are a minority (Takeshita, 2008 & 
Vestre, 2011). Researchers have examined issues of ethnicity, including cultural 
adaptation, how minority groups self-categorise, as well as how being a minority 
influence their levels of self-esteem (Hutnik, 1991). Minority groups can either 
assimilate, dissociate, acculturate, or choose none of these (Hutnik, 2003). Such 
studies imply that as a minority, the self-esteem of Japanese Muslim youth may be 
impacted in the long run, given the circumstances. However, whether they choose to 
48 
assimilate, dissociate or acculturate is left to be seen - a potential area to be looked 
into by researchers. 
The meta-analysis cited above suggests that Muslim minority individuals, 
families and communities living in non-Muslim countries face intense scrutiny in 
public, giving rise to serious challenges to raising Muslim children and youth residing 
in these countries. Japan is no exception. The relatively recent discovery of leaked 
documents and the fact that the Muslim plaintiffs lost their case in court even 
though it was clear Muslims were discriminated against, proved that Islamophobia 
is a reality which the minority Muslim community in Japan must contend with 
daily. Moreover, non-Japanese Muslims married to Japanese women who failed to 
guide their wives and children on Islam left an unfavourable impact among the 
Japanese, which further exacerbated the issue. The option of sending Japanese wives 
and children to the Middle-East to gain a firm grounding of Islamic education is simply 
not available to the majority of Muslims in Japan because of the costs. Studying abroad 
is only an option that is available to those who can afford it. As can be seen by the above 
studies, the poor growth of Islam in Japan is a result of multidimensional factors at play, 
taking place within and beyond the shores of Japan. 
The following section discusses the challenges and problems of representation 
faced by Japanese Muslim youth. 
2.2 Challenges of Japanese Muslim Youth 
The Japanese Muslim youth's main problem is centred around how to gain an 
Islamic education, and this problem is intertwined with social, communication, political 
and economic issues. 
49 
 The Islamic Education Challenge 
As mentioned earlier, ethnic Japanese Muslims are a rare breed. The growth of 
Islam among Japanese, in general, and the development of much-needed Islamic 
education among second generation Japanese Muslim youth, in particular, are 
challenges yet to be taken up by the majority of Muslim immigrants. Understanding the 
backgrounds of these immigrants would help inform this predicament. The majority of 
Muslim immigrants are unskilled, blue collar workers in the industrial sector, generally 
not well-educated or highly qualified, and lack proper understanding of Islam itself. 
Starting work as trainees with very long hours (8.30AM – midnight), minimal pay and 
hardly any basic rights, many of them started working illegally for a period of time, 
gaining legal status upon marrying a Japanese woman (Vestre, 2011). 
The biggest Muslim community in Japan are represented by Indonesians. It took 
18 years for the Indonesian Muslim community to build their first mosque in Meguro, 
Tokyo, after repeated discussions with ethnic Japanese neighbours and Japanese 
authorities before the dream became a reality (Halal Media Japan, 2017). Like other 
foreign born Muslims in Japan, one of the issues faced by the Indonesian community in 
establishing the mosque was communication with the Japanese neighbours and 
authorities i.e. lack of Japanese language proficiency. A persistent issue with non- 
Japanese Muslims is that most of them are not fluent in speaking, reading or writing in 
Japanese, thereby limiting their interactions with ethnic Japanese whose daily 
communications, at work and at home, is in Japanese (Yuki, 2018). 
Another example of foreign-born Muslims living in Japan is the Turkish 
community. Turkish men in their 20s and 30s began to arrive in Japan looking for better 
jobs in the 1990s. Since then, these men began to marry ethnic Japanese women and 
settled down in Japan. With the birth of children, how they were going to raise these 
50 
offspring became a matter of concern for the Turkish-Japanese couples. Religious 
education is not an easy subject to deal with, but when a significant number of Muslim 
families who share the same ethnicity are present, it is easier to work together as a 
community, as the Turkish-Japanese families in Aichi Prefecture discovered. Turkish - 
Japanese families where the blue-collar Turkish fathers originated from Ordu Province, 
Turkey together organised classes with the mosque in Aichi Prefecture to facilitate their 
children's Islamic education. In this way, the children were exposed to Muslim Turkish 
culture for the short weekends, provided they did not have other commitments at the 
public Japanese schools they attended on weekdays (Takeshita, 2015). 
The teachers who taught Islamic education for this weekend school came from 
the Turkish community itself. The language of instruction is Turkish, as the parents 
wanted the children to have at least a basic grasp of the Turkish language. Even then, 
they acknowledged that it is really difficult for the children to grow their Turkish 
language and therefore, their understanding of Islam once they started kindergarten and 
elementary school (Takeshita, 2015). 
Children spent a lot of time at public school where the language of instruction is 
Japanese. If these Turkish-Japanese children tried to speak Turkish in front of their 
Japanese friends at school, they were teased, which discouraged them from further 
trying. Also, a great majority i.e. more than 70% nationwide of the mothers in the 
Turkish-Japanese marriages were ethnic Japanese; these mothers do not speak Turkish 
at all and only spoke to their children in Japanese at home. Thus, exposure to the 
Turkish language is very limited to whatever little communication they had with their 
fathers at home, if at all, and during their weekend sessions at the mosque, if they did 
not miss it or if the classes were not canceled (Takeshita, 2015). 
51 
Similarly, the Bangladeshi Muslims in Japan attempt to pass on their root ethnic 
and religious identities to their children by forming tight-knit communities where 
possible. These Bangladeshi Muslim parents believed that they are responsible for the 
Muslim identity construction of their children. They associate with and form alliances 
with Japanese locals for business opportunities to create what is called "multicultural 
symbiotic ties" (Sultana, 2019). 
The above studies helped to shed light on why gaining an Islamic education is 
such a huge challenge in Japan. At a time when Islam appears to be growing, albeit 
slowly in Japan, Islamic education provided by mosques, also known as Islamic centres 
are very few and far between, if any. Apart from the usual Friday prayers, a mosque 
perhaps would only organise lectures once or twice a year, once a semester, or once a 
month, due to shortage of manpower and other resources. Hence, neither the frequency 
nor the duration of these lessons are sufficient to meet the needs of the Muslim 
community, especially children, youth and reverts. To be effective, a certain number of 
contact hours between teacher and student is needed. Anyone would need time to digest 
a new concept, as well as repetition and guidance from the teachers to properly 
appreciate and absorb what is being taught. Language remains a significant challenge 
too, as language acquisition is crucial to properly learn the Islamic religious lessons 
imparted in these sessions at the mosque. Each ethnic group faces its own language 
concerns e.g. in the Turkish community, it is not clear how much children could 
understand the Islamic lessons taught in Turkish language at the mosque when the 
language spoken at home by the mother is Japanese, which implies that children of 
Turkish-Japanese parentage have a limited command and understanding of the Turkish 
language. It is worth noting too that at the time of this research, the Chiba Islamic 
52 
Cultural Centre in particular, offers no Islamic education classes specially tailored for 
teenagers due to lack of resources. 
 The Challenge of Social Expectations 
Japanese are highly civilised, with a very rich culture rooted in traditions. 
Japanese men and women, in general, are proud to be Japanese. They are highly 
homogeneous, every Japanese is expected to do the same thing like everyone else. 
Homogeneity contributes towards a sense of belonging. Immigrants in Japan are 
pressured and expected to assimilate into Japanese culture, no matter where they come 
from, giving rise to acculturation issues. Anyone who tries to be different or appears to 
be different for any reason, is looked down with disdain, and will have a hard time to 
fit in. Through daily exposure and media, particularly pop culture, children who attend 
public Japanese schools are exposed to the Japanese value system and worldviews and 
over time, will get assimilated (Yuki, 2017). 
By age five, Japanese children begin to attend elementary school. The 
homogeneity of Japanese culture continues; they are taught that it is better to be just 
like everybody else – eat the same food, talk the same language, wear the same attire. 
Being Japanese means one must assimilate culturally, socially, systematically. Thus, 
Japanese Muslim children would find it difficult to be practising Muslims and identify 
themselves as Muslim every step of the way. Some children even ask their parents at 
which point in their lives could they become real Japanese (Takeshita, 2008). Some 
concerned Muslim parents have expressed the need to build Muslim schools to create 
consistency between the values taught at home, at school and within the community 
(Shiro, 2011). 
53 
From the researches above, it is deduced that for Muslim children, conflicts 
begin early in school, where all children are supposed to eat the same food prepared by 
the school. Muslim children as young as four years old begin to ask questions like why 
they can’t eat pork, when they see that everyone else does. Even if the meat is chicken 
or beef, they still cannot eat it, if it is not halal. There were Muslim parents who served 
halal meat at home, but simply let their children eat whatever is served at school, 
because they did not want their children to be treated as outcasts. As they grow older, a 
Muslim child who tries to pray regularly will be teased by other students. Thus, 
Japanese Muslim students early on feel that they are foreigners in their own birth 
country. For the Japanese Muslim parent who wishes to enrol their children in an 
Islamic school for the sake of consistency between home and school, it would take time 
to make this dream a reality, even if it does happen. 
 Born a Japanese, Treated as a Foreigner 
Most of the second generation Japanese Muslim youth were born into mixed 
marriages, where one parent is non-Japanese e.g. Turkish, Bangladeshi, Arab, Indian, 
Indonesian or Malaysian. As a result, although these second generation Japanese 
Muslim youth were born in Japan, they do not look like the common Japanese on the 
street. In other words, their physical features are remarkably different from those of 
ethnic Japanese. In Japan, homogeneity is about sameness, in terms of both enacting 
Japaneseness through actions that people perform as well as looking Japanese in 
appearance. Growing up and perceived as non-Japanese is a big thing in Japan. There 
is a prevailing sense of hierarchical superiority among Japanese over people from other 
nations who were once colonised by them during World War II. Hence, the Japanese 
54 
perceive themselves as a superior race, the Koreans and Chinese are below them, and 
South-East Asians and Pacific Islanders are at the lowest rung (Kamada, 2009). 
In the 1980s, many unskilled workers entered Japan, but rather than opening up 
to the concept of diversity and multiethnicity, the idea of lower class "other" in 
comparison to the pure Japanese national, became stronger. The concern was that, if 
multiethnicity were to be celebrated in Japan, it would weaken their cultural assets, 
which relies heavily on sameness and homogeneity; to live and breathe as a Japanese 
would. Anyone not looking like a Japanese, or not behaving like a Japanese, is perceived 
as a lower class "other". The negative term used is gaijin, which literally carries the 
meaning "outside-person" (Curtis, 2011), a "foreigner", a discriminatory expression. In 
Japan, anyone deemed non-Japanese becomes a foreigner, an alien, a gaijin. Other 
meanings of gaijin include "strangers", "undecideables", and "outsiders", giving an 
impression that "You don’t belong here." In Japan, it is well-known that one must do 
everything he can to not stand out, not to be different, to avoid being "the nail that sticks 
up" (a pervasive Japanese proverb), or be prepared to be hammered into conformity, or 
be treated as an "other" (Kamada, 2009). 
The above studies suggest that in Japan, roots and looks do matter. No matter how 
well a person speaks and behaves like a Japanese should, understands and observes 
Japanese traditions and customs, yet carries a biological heritage that is not a hundred 
percent Japanese and as a consequence does not appear like a Japanese, that person is 
likely to be perceived as not a pure Japanese and won't be treated like one. Furthermore, 
the concept of hierarchical superiority which still operates in Japan is a social construct 
that implies that certain races or ethnicities are better than the rest. Within this social 
construct, Japan is perceived as preferable, rendering South Asians of lesser 
significance and value. Most second generation Japanese Muslim children and youth 
55 
are born into mixed marriages between South-East Asians (father is Indonesian or 
Pakistani or Bangladeshi which falls into the lowest rung) and Japanese women, and 
therefore will be looked down upon by the Japanese in general. 
 First Versus Second Generation Japanese Muslims 
Although it is true that Japan’s constitution officially respects peoples of different 
faiths and religions, and states that no discrimination shall be exercised towards those 
who profess different faiths and religions, the reality is that, anyone who looks different 
or lives differently, does not fit into the highly homogeneous culture of Japan and risks 
being treated and alienated as gaijin. The first generation Japanese Muslims, the parents 
of the second generation Japanese Muslim youth, who made a conscious choice of 
taking the shahada and became Muslims, were in a different situation. They reverted to 
Islam upon conscious deliberation. Most important, they were already adults, no 
longer teenagers, and therefore, were not under adolescent peer pressure to conform. 
Their children, second generation Japanese Muslims, are experiencing what their 
parents, the first generation Muslims, did not personally experience when they took the 
shahada. These children possess hybrid identities, "being half" in Japan (Kamada, 
2009). 
In the above study, comparisons were made between first generation Japanese 
Muslims and second generation Japanese Muslims, whereby the former were the 
parents of the latter. The first generation Japanese Muslims were pure Japanese. They 
look no different than other Japanese. It can be presumed that they faced less pressure 
in terms of social expectations in comparison to their children, the second generation 
Muslims, the sampling source for the youth who enrolled in the Cultural Exchange 
Programme. In fact, the second generation Japanese Muslim youth are gaijin on two 
56 
levels. Firstly, in terms of physical appearance, they do not look Japanese. Secondly, if 
they practice Islam, they would act in certain ways that are not considered Japanese, for 
instance, praying five times a day, fasting, and refraining from consuming non-halal 
food and drink unlike their Japanese family and friends who are non-Muslims. 
2.3 Studies of Da’wah to Muslim Minority Communities 
This section illustrates da’wah efforts carried out to Muslim minority 
communities in five countries: Fiji, Italy, China, Hong Kong and Australia. With respect 
to da’wah to Muslim minorities, a question that deserves to be asked is: Is there an 
example during the Prophet's lifetime and leadership which Muslims can use as a 
precedent and reference? In his book, The Prophet Muhammad: A Role Model for 
Muslim Minorities, Siddiqi (2006) argues that Muslims must take the Prophet's initial 
13 years of persistence and hard work throughout the early Makkan period as a source 
of inspiration to establish strong and successful Muslim minority communities scattered 
around the world. The Muslims started off as a minority in Makkah, a pluralistic society. 
Like the Muslim minorities across the world today, the Muslims in Makkah were 
subjected to a non-Muslim political system and governance. The Prophet spent 13 
years leading a minority Muslim community. Much can be learnt from this period, 
pertaining to their way of life, their thought patterns, for contemporary Muslim 
minority communities. Within the pluralistic society in Makkah, the Quraysh was the 
majority, but they were not the only influential group of people residing in Makkah. 
Apart from the Quraysh, there were other tribes, and all these tribes were invariably at 
odds against one another; they had their mutual differences and were jealous and 
envious of one another. The Quraysh were essentially and originally of Abrahamic 
faith but plenty of innovations had seeped into their belief system, with polytheism a 
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major part of it. They prayed to many idols. Some of the Quraysh had also turned into 
atheism. Thus, by the time the Prophet arrived on the scene, Makkah had become a 
pluralistic society with multiple faiths (Siddiqi, 2006). 
Hence, taking from the early Makkan period in which Muslims were a minority 
for more than a decade, it is possible for minority Muslim communities to stand out 
as a strong and successful community provided they remain united. In a pluralistic 
society, different groups would be asserting their authority, pushing to make their 
voices heard in order to turn their priorities a reality. Where possible, the minority 
Muslim community has the option of identifying common goals with different groups 
to strengthen their economic, social and political presence to pave the way for a 
successful presence. If the minority Muslim community could show to others that they 
are trustworthy, caring and an objective lot, just as the Muslims in the Makkan period 
were, the rest of the pluralistic society within which they live are likely to listen to their 
views and respect them despite their differences. 
 Muslim Minority in Fiji 
One example where Islamic revivalism is gradually taking place within a Muslim 
minority country due to the continuing efforts of da’wah is Fiji. Fiji is a 
predominantly non-Muslim country, with cannibalism embedded as part of its colourful 
history. In Fiji, Muslims began to appear as sugarcane field workers between 1879 and 
1916. Within this interval, about seven thousand Indian Muslims, mainly from North 
India, secured employment and some chose to reside permanently in Fiji. Because 
of harsh employment conditions, in the absence of mosques and religious scholars 
and leaders, these Muslims practised Islam privately, in different degrees and forms. In 
1898, Mullah Mirza Khan became the first notable religious teacher who arrived in Fiji 
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to provide religious instructions to the Muslim community. Following the 
establishment of various Muslim associations, Mullah Mirza Khan became less 
influential. Over time, through the practices of these Indian Muslims, Islam became 
more prominent and established as a religion, but in a syncretic form, with parts 
enmeshed with Hinduism, as the Muslims interacted mutually with the Hindus as 
these two groups patronised, affiliated with, and supported one another. The Fiji 
Muslim League, formed in 1926, assumed a public representation for Muslims, 
increasing exposure to the wider, international Muslim world for the Fijians. Muslim 
scholars began to arrive in Fiji and Fijian Muslim men also began to enrol in Islamic 
scholarship in India and Pakistan. Within the past four decades, however, the religious 
tours by Tabligh Jama'at has been actively putting in effort to remove elements of 
syncretism among the Fijian Muslim minority, drawing them closer to the actual 
teachings and practices of Islam (Ali, 2018). Reading the above research may inject 
hope for minority Muslim communities elsewhere. From the study, it is noted that 
da’wah initiatives and outcomes are never static and may evolve over time. The 
environment plays a powerful role in shaping religious outcomes amongst Muslims. 
Tough circumstances may make it extremely hard for minority Muslims to practice 
Islam; therefore those Muslims who are well- versed in Islamic education must step 
forward to take the lead and carry out initiatives to preserve the Islamic faith in the 
hearts of their Muslim brethren. In the absence of accurate Islamic knowledge and 
strong leadership, minority Muslims can easily drift into non-Islamic beliefs and 
practices e.g. syncretism - taking only what they like or what they find convenient, 
and discarding what they do not like. This gives enough reason for those who have the 
correct knowledge about Islam to teach what they know and not to remain silent. 
Furthermore, minority Muslim communities can also collaborate at the international 
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level with majority Muslim countries to ensure that Islamic scholarship becomes a firm 
presence in their lives, just as the minority Muslims in Fiji are doing. 
 Muslim Minority in Italy 
In Italy, a well-known nation in the heart of Europe, a study found the weekly 
khutba (Friday sermon) as a platform for the preacher (da’ī) to do da’wah to the 
Muslim minority. It took an extended two years for the Muslim community to 
collectively agree to perform Friday prayer during lunch break. For Muslims in 
majority Muslim countries, this might be a small matter, but for the Muslims residing 
in Italy, it is a significant achievement, considering the many denominations and 
schools of thought the Muslims represent. Many of these Muslims belong to the 
working cluster or are university students who need to be back at work or classes on 
time. For these prayer sessions, the sermon only lasts between fifteen to twenty 
minutes. In this study, a khatib (person delivering the sermon) did express his concern 
about the relatively brief span of time within which he must exhort and guide the 
Muslims on matters concerning Islam. How would he educate them when the only 
time he sees them throughout the entire week is fifteen to twenty minutes? (Sbai, 
2019). 
For mosques which has bigger congregations, people pray in shifts as a single 
shift cannot cater to the big number. In some mosques, the space for women would be 
closed during Friday prayers to enable the men to use these spaces. In some other 
mosques, the congregation would spill onto public spaces. Hence, the preacher doing 
da’wah within the Muslim minority in Italy faces constraints in terms of time and 
space to reach out to their target audience. In this study, all seventeen Muslim religious 
leaders in several cities were born outside of Italy and some of them had acquired 
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Italian citizenship. In recent years, leaders of the Muslim community have been 
careful in choosing a suitable khatib to do the khutbah or sermon in their local mosques 
to ensure the content of the khutbah represents Islamic values. 
An imam, a participant of this study said that he considered himself an imam 
inside as well as beyond the walls of the mosque, noting that he is a reference point for 
the Muslim community, whereby they would approach him to resolve personal matters 
including misbehaviour or loss of faith among youth and marital issues. Persistent 
challenges include language, culture and ethnic differences between members of the 
congregation. One imam said that he runs religious classes during the week, and his 
students include children (Sbai, 2019). Thus, in this study, the mosque and in particular, 
the weekly khutba is proven to be instrumental in da’wah efforts to engage the minority 
Muslim community in Italy, despite the time and space constraints. 
As the above study suggests, minority Muslims must work within the 
framework of laws, regulations, stipulations and procedures in the country they call 
home. It is possible for different subgroups within the minority Muslim community to 
be united if unity is given a priority. At the very least, the Muslims in Italy 
representing numerous denominations and schools of thought are able to perform 
Friday prayer together. It is also noted that providing Islamic education is a challenge 
in Italy as well because of time and space constraints. However, given the ease with 
which Internet is easily available throughout the world today, lack of time and space 
should no longer be an issue. Online classes are now the trend, effectively removing 
geographical, space and time limitations. Certainly, online classes are not as ideal as 
face-to-face instruction which allows full interaction between teacher and student, but 
perhaps online classes can be integrated with face-to-face sessions for optimum 
results. These classes ideally should include women and youth so that they do not 
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miss out. It is a pity to note that women were not able to attend the weekly Friday 
prayers in Italy due to the cramped space as Friday prayers might have opened an 
opportunity for the Muslim women to interact with one another, build rapport and 
trust and network with each other, thereby strengthening the presence of Muslims in 
Italy. 
 Muslim Minority in China 
The minority Muslim community in Guangzhou, China, also depends heavily on 
the mosque to fulfil their Islamic education needs. In a study involving four mosques in 
Guangzhou, Islamic studies were found to be carried out by the management of the 
mosques as well as members of the congregation. Classes are held in a separate building 
outside of the mosques. Teachers, known as Ahong, arranged by the management of the 
mosques, conduct Jingtang Jiaoyu, Islamic education classes for children, youth and 
seniors. Guangzhou is known as the cradle of Chinese Islam, since this was the place 
where Islam first arrived in China, before it spread to other parts of the country. Herein 
stands the oldest mosque in China, as well as the grave of Sa'ad bin Abi Waqas, a 
companion of the Prophet SAW. The study noted the pressure upon Muslims to 
assimilate into the non-Muslim majority, and to choose between being Chinese or 
Muslim. Such pressure is seen and felt by a number of Muslims who would use their 
Chinese names in public, and only use their Muslim names in the presence of Muslim 
peers. Apart from being used for Friday prayers, the mosques also serve as community 
centres for important family events including welcoming the birth of a new baby, 
weddings, and funeral arrangements. According to this study, what the Muslim 
community desires is not aligned with what the government wants, as the government 
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wants the community to assimilate into the majority non-Muslim locals. This can only 
happen if the Muslims are to give up their Muslim identity (Basri & Ta'arif, 2018). 
Lessons in the mosques focused on the Qur'an and other Islamic resources; the 
Ahongs would translate the Arabic text into Chinese or Uighur language. The books and 
articles are distributed in a limited fashion, since it might be seen as posing a threat 
towards national cohesion and security. In this regard, the Ahong carries a heavy dual 
responsibility, a tough and tricky balancing act. He must abide by the wishes of the 
government, as well as play the role of the focal person for the Muslim community. 
China has more than 50,000 Ahongs servicing more than 35,000 mosques all over China 
(Basri & Ta'arif, 2018). There is no telling how long these Islamic education sessions 
will be allowed to continue however, as evidence shows that certain mosques have been 
razed to the ground to make way for commercial centres, in line with China's "political 
stability" and "economic development" aspirations. Certain mosques which used to be 
frequented by devoted Muslims are now empty, with the elderly the only ones seen in 
them to pray. The imams of some mosques are state-appointed, not chosen by the 
Muslim community (BBC, 2019). In the Northern Province, Muslims gather their 
resources to run the summer dorm, meant for Muslim youth coming from religiously 
weaker areas such as the Hui community. There are eleven madrasahs (religious 
school) and a New Islamic High Education system, but all these are state-controlled and 
subjected to a syllabus imposed by China. Apart from Qur'an and subjects like English, 
Computer Science and Physical Education, students are required to learn Marxism 
(Basri & Ta'arif, 2018). 
From the above studies, it is deduced that Muslim individuals and organisations 
in China are experiencing direct pressure from the government to forsake Islam as 
their religion, unlike in Japan, where the constitution makes it clear that, theoretically at 
63 
least, no one is to be discriminated against or treated any lesser because of their 
personal belief system which might not be the same as that of the majority. In addition, 
the report that disclosed that only elderly men were seen in the mosques are disturbing, 
as children and youth should be taught to make the mosque an important part of their 
lives early on. Even in locations where Muslims are allowed to run their own 
madrasahs, the syllabus is not free of state propaganda as Marxism is a compulsory 
topic to be taught and learnt. Thus, unless circumstances fail to change, unjust 
political and economic aspirations of a non-Muslim country may systematically 
weaken or gradually erase the religious identity of minority Muslims residing within 
its borders. 
 Muslim Minority in Hong Kong 
The mosque also plays an instrumental role in da’wah to minority Muslims in 
Hong Kong island. Islam was the first major world religion to reach Hong Kong, but 
presumably the most marginalised today. The biggest Muslim group is Indonesians 
(140,000), Pakistanis (30,000), and Chinese (30,000). However, most Indonesians, 
while relatively big in number, are employed as maids and reside in Hong Kong on a 
temporary basis. Some are not even free to perform prayers, subject to permission from 
their bosses. Nevertheless, since many of these maids wear headscarves, it has become 
a common sight among local Hong Kong residents and has helped to tone down 
concerns about Islam and warmed up acceptance to Muslim attire. These maids, 
however, are of low socio-economic status, marginalised and therefore not influential 
in shaping the landscape of Islamic education (Yip-Ho, 2018). 
  
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In order to survive, many Chinese Muslims belonging to the Hui ethnic group 
began to migrate to Hong Kong before the Treaty of Nanjing, signed in 1842. Over 
time, three major factors have been cited for many Muslim youth to lose their faith in 
Islam in this island: exposure to Western ideas and lifestyle, parental failure to enrol 
their children in the madrasah, and parents' decision to enrol their children in Christian 
schools. The madrasah, therefore, plays a significant role in da’wah efforts in Hong 
Kong island, especially among children and youth. All children in Hong Kong are 
required to attend the conventional primary and secondary schools. In the evenings, 
these children would attend the religious lessons in the madrasahs, run at the mosques, 
where they learn the Qur'an and basic principles of Islam. Students head directly to the 
madrasah straight after their primary or secondary school to spend between one to two 
hours, usually between 4pm to 6pm. There are also private Islamic education classes in 
rented spaces known as houseques conducted by and within Pakistani 
neighbourhoods, as the mosques could not cater to the growing number of Muslim 
children and youth. Despite voluntary attendance in the madrasahs, most students, 
mostly of South Asian origin including Chinese and Filipino, acknowledged that 
learning about Islam is an obligation they must fulfil. Classes are co-educational but 
boys and girls are segregated. Without a formal curriculum, the Pakistani communities 
have established these houseques to pass on the basics of Islamic traditions and 
teachings to the younger generation (Yip-Ho, 2018). 
It can be seen that in a minority Muslim community, numbers do not denote 
strength and influence. The Indonesians, while representing the biggest Muslim group 
in Hong Kong, do not wield any clout in terms of shaping the outlook of Islamic 
education for Muslim children and youth in that country because their lives are very 
much dependent on their employers. These maids' presence in Hong Kong is temporary, 
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their lives revolve around serving their bosses and little else. However, of more 
significance are Muslims who have made Hong Kong their home and who have their 
children's future to think of. Parents who care about their children's faith in Islam 
enrol them in madrasahs. It is heartening to note that the madrasah students 
understood that getting a good grasp about Islam is a serious matter. It is also reassuring 
to see that there are people who took it upon themselves to set up private madrasahs to 
cater for the overflow of students from the madrasahs at neighbouring mosques. This 
is what minority Muslims need to do to help ensure that their descendants choose Islam 
as their way of life - pooling their resources together and network for the benefit of the 
ummah. 
 Muslim Minority in Australia 
In a study that looked into da’wah efforts carried out by Indonesian Muslims in 
three major cities in Australia: Melbourne, Sydney and Canberra, researchers wanted 
to know what these da’wah efforts were, as well as the kind of relationships these 
Indonesian Muslims had with the majority non-Muslim communities. The study found 
out that there are different groups of Indonesian Muslims, and each group contributed 
differently to the growth and development of the Muslim community at large. To 
begin with, in Sydney, Saturday schools have been established for Islamic education, 
Qur'an recitation, congregational prayers and sermons, and establishing halal food 
corners. Second, the CIDE or Centre for Islamic Da’wah and Education New South 
Wales manages the Al-Hijrah Mosque in the Tempe area. Apart from holding regular 
prayers including Eid-ul-Adha and Eid-ul-Fitri prayers, this mosque also conducts 
religious classes late in the evening. Third, in Lakemba, the IQRO Study Community 
organised by Indonesian Muslims holds regular Islamic study circles and Saturday 
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school for children. By far, this community has the largest and most extensive da’wah 
network among Indonesian Muslims. The fourth group is Kaffah Islamic Studies, 
organised by Nahdatul-Ulama, which is not recognised by certain Islamic scholars, 
because they practise the kind of Islam which accept elements of Indonesian culture 
e.g. tahlilan (Sarbini et. al., 2020). 
The study also found that Indonesian Muslims tend to mix only with fellow 
Indonesians even at the workplace, where they have the opportunity to mix with other 
ethnicities. Thus, although the possibilities for a dialogue for da’wah purposes do exist, 
it rarely takes place, if at all, since the Indonesian Muslims prefer to keep to their own 
kind. One participant commented that this might be due to the lack of confidence among 
the Indonesian Muslims, perhaps because they fear the consequences of being 
influenced by what they interpret as "bad company". The researchers concluded that, 
although the Muslim Indonesians carry out da’wah amongst their ethnic community, 
their relationships with the majority non-Muslims are superficial at best, and are kept 
to a minimum level, especially at work out of necessity (Sarbini et. al., 2020). 
It is interesting to note that practising Muslims in Australia are not taking the 
opportunity to develop more meaningful relationships with their non-Muslim 
counterparts just because they are concerned that these non-Muslims might influence 
them into doing something un-Islamic. Numerous ways exist to grow positive and 
successful relationships with non-Muslims without compromising one's faith in Islam. 
Engaging non-Muslim colleagues do not need to take place in bars or parties. For 
example, a minority Muslim could invite non-Muslim neighbours and colleagues over 
for dinner at breaking fast time in Ramadan, send them gifts during Eid (which will 
invoke their curiosity and create an opening to introduce them to Islamic celebrations 
and practices), or be a good neighbour by offering to car pool if a non-Muslim 
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neighbour's child attends the same school as one's child. Growing positive 
relationships with non-Muslims is very much a part of da’wah and it does not have to 
be in the form of direct preaching (telling people face-to-face about Islam). Actions 
speak louder than words. Every act of kindness by a Muslim if done sincerely and 
consistently will, God willing, touch the heart and mind of non-Muslim colleagues, 
neighbours and friends. 
Finally, in a study which looked into how inclusive majority communities are of 
minorities in five countries in Europe: Belgium, England, Netherlands, Germany and 
Sweden, it was found that Muslims had the lowest level of national identification 
amongst minorities, although it differed from country to country. Furthermore, among 
Europeans, being Christian was found to be a factor of whether a person is considered 
a true member of a particular European nation, even as religion has become less 
significant amongst Europeans. While the dynamics of this finding is unclear, it raised 
concerns about anti-Muslim sentiments as well as marginalisation of Muslim 
minorities, and can affect the identity formation of Muslim youth in Europe 
(Fleischmann & Phalet, 2017). 
Apparently, this study seems to suggest that although religion has gradually 
fallen out of favour amongst Europeans in general, deep in their hearts they still feel a 
sense of loyalty and belonging to the Christian faith, and the general feeling is that a 
Muslim (or anyone professing a belief other than Christianity) is not a true European. 
Such a finding implies the discomfort of Europeans to acknowledge Muslims in their 
midst as part of their community in Europe. The fact that Muslims in the five mentioned 
European countries recorded a relatively low level of national identification furt her 
compounds the issue. This study implies that much is to be explored in terms of 
da’wah efforts by Muslim minorities in these countries. It means that every member of 
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a minority Muslim community must take the initiative to make a difference within the 
community they live, so that non-Muslims can see the real value and beauty of Islam, 
and be convinced that Islam can only bring good to everyone. Such consistent efforts 
are likely to also strengthen the wavering faith of weak Muslims. 
2.4 Studies of Da’wah to Young Muslims 
Issues surrounding Muslim minority youth have been studied and reported 
scientifically with regards to their identity struggles. Suleiman (2017) highlighted an 
earlier study conducted by Aaser (2016) at San Francisco State University where 
Muslim children aged 5-9 years old told the researcher about deep-seated insecurities 
leading them to develop dual personalities; "American" or "Muslim". Aaser (2016) 
reported that one in three of these young children did not want to inform others that they 
were Muslim; one in six at times pretended they were not Muslim (Aaser, 2016). 
Suleiman (2017) noted that the identity confusion reported by Aaser remained 
with these children right till adolescence, and became more complicated as they reached 
young adulthood. In a qualitative study, Suleiman (2017) documented identity struggles 
involving thirty American Muslim youth aged 16-21 years old. According to Suleiman, 
both male and female youths in his study consistently reported feeling exhausted from 
having to prove their Americanness. In an attempt to be accepted by non-Muslim 
friends, certain youth in Suleiman’s study declared to their non-Muslim friends that 
they have left Islam. These youth felt that to become successful in life, they must fight 
against what they viewed as "the shackles of Islam", renouncing their religious identity. 
It is interesting to note that at the time of the interviews, some of the participants in this 
study actually were attending Islamic schools. However, those participants who were 
volunteers in Islamic charity organisations felt empowered by their Muslim identity. 
69 
Thus, contemporary Muslim role models for philanthropy and ongoing efforts to 
directly involve these youth with community work through Muslim establishments can 
contribute towards a strong Muslim identity (Suleiman, 2017). 
Minority Muslim youth need a clear idea of what being Muslim is about, as 
misconceptions about Islam may result in an identity crisis, making them vulnerable to 
be victims of radicalization. Lynch (2013) noted that British Muslim youth in Britain, 
for example, face great challenges from within and outside the family. Within the 
family, they have intergenerational conflict; their parents who were born in a different 
generation have difficulty to communicate with them. Common clashes between these 
youth and their parents include ideas related to education and choice of marriage 
partner. Outside the family on the streets, they are viewed daily with suspicion by 
non- Muslims, a manifestation of widespread Islamophobia. This kind of environment 
might push them towards alienation and an identity crisis (Lynch, 2013). 
Intergenerational conflict is a phenomenon that had been studied in other 
communities and is not restricted to minority Muslim communities. In America, second 
generation Chinese Americans and Taiwanese Americans have been found to 
experience family related stress due to clashes with their elders, specifically parents, 
which led to depression and anxiety among these youth and their parents (Liu et. al., 
2019). In immigrant African families living in Britain where the youth have been 
exposed to more modern environments, intergenerational gaps were heightened by the 
fact that the parents were migrants and came from more traditional backgrounds (Cook 
& Waite, 2015). Intergenerational differences related to cultural identities that led to 
conflict between parents and youth have also been found between first generation Indian 
immigrants and their second generation children in the United States (Jacob, 2017). In 
the Netherlands, people aged between 15-45 of Turkish and Moroccan origins were 
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found to have greater conflict with parents because of the migrant status of the parents. 
The relationship between these Turkish and Moroccan peoples with their parents were 
also found to be weaker when the children accepted more liberal values manifested 
through their behaviours (Kalmijn, 2018). 
In an effort to gain insights about the mindset of young adult Muslim 
Australians, Mydin et. al. (2013) studied the content embedded in Ten Things I Hate 
About Me, a novel which highlights the struggles of a typical Muslim Australian 
female youth of Lebanese descent growing up and living in a non-Muslim majority 
country. Mydin et. al. noted that, apart from the biological and psychological changes 
which every adolescent must go through, minority youth also experience conflicts 
related to their social and political cultures, even as they try to assimilate and integrate 
themselves into the mainstream community. Making sense of religious norms and 
practices is confusing and overwhelming as these young adults try to develop their 
unique cultural awareness and identity. The emotional roller coaster created is a 
mixture of anxiety, confusion, pride, or fear of the identity that they believe they 
inherit (Mydin et. al. (2013). 
Interestingly, in Hong Kong, Britain and America, researchers have found 
evidence of minority Muslim youth whose experience in consciously practising Islam 
actually helped them to establish both their religious as well as national identities. 
Specifically in Hong Kong, Islam has been found to be a stabilizing factor among 
religious Muslim minority youth with a cross-cultural background. Their religiosity and 
commitment towards Islam helped them to develop a sense of belonging and 
connectedness to Hong Kong. These Muslim youth took it upon themselves to become 
competent both in written Chinese and spoken Cantonese, to prove their seriousness to 
build the Hong Kong identity. To their understanding, being Muslim is a positive 
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identity that encouraged them to be pragmatic as human beings who must contribute 
positively in the community where they resided (Yuen & Leung, 2019). 
Similarly, in Britain, Muslim minority youth who were visibly identified as 
observant Muslims did not experience conflict with their British identity, although they 
were treated differently by society. Their Muslim identity strengthened their resolve to 
be positive and proactive British citizens (Shazhadi et. al., 2017). 
Likewise in America, to instil a sense of national belonging, Muslim minority 
youth involved themselves in government-affiliated community programmes together 
with other minority communities i.e. Protestants, Catholics and Jews, as an effort to 
overcome prejudice and discrimination from society (Corbett, 2016). None of these 
Muslim minority youth groups in Hong Kong, Britain and America shied away from 
their Muslim identity. 
A repeated theme highlighted by the above researches is the identity crisis 
experienced by minority Muslim children and youth, who feel they must decide 
between accepting the identity of the country they reside in, or accepting Islam as a way 
of life. Yet, choosing Islam as a way of life does not require abandoning one's loyalty 
to one's country. It is possible to achieve strong dual identities, both religious and 
national, as shown by minority youth in Hong Kong, Britain and America. These are 
the youth who have a clear understanding of what it means to be a Muslim; it is a 
positive identity, and it requires putting in much effort to realise one's potential, 
contributing as much as possible for the benefit of the community. In truth, there is 
nothing that stops a minority Muslim youth from achieving such dual identities, 
religious and national, if only parents and other Muslim leaders in their midst are able 
and willing to guide them. However, it must be said that some parents in the Muslim 
minority families are not able to communicate well with their children. Parents must 
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equip themselves with communication tools and skills so that they can relate to their 
children especially teenagers. It has also been proven that getting Muslim children and 
youth to get involved in voluntary community work could help boost their religious 
identity. Thus, this is a practical approach for Muslim parents to emulate, whether they 
are in a Muslim minority or majority country. 
 Muslim Youth: Japan's Future to Islam 
Why did this research target youth? Adolescence is a period of great change as 
well as providing a chance for youth to become inspired to be the best they can be 
(Samian, 2008). For participating Japanese youth, this programme provided the chance 
and the privilege to travel to, and experience first-hand a foreign country, for the youth 
to be responsible for themselves, away from their biological parents and guardians, 
although they were supervised and guided by host parents. Boys and girls typically 
undergo a period of identity search during adolescence, opening a window of 
opportunity to parents and concerned adults to introduce ideas and experiences that can 
mould them into successful men and women in the long run. Identity building intensifies 
during adolescence (Samian, 2008). As Al-Talib et. al. (2013) posited: 
During adolescence . . . teenagers begin examining themselves, society, 
the universe, and metaphysics, al-ghayb, the unseen. This is the time to 
discuss the true concepts of tawhīd (Oneness of God), istikhlaf 
(vicegerency of humankind), ‘imran (civilization building), the world 
view, the objectives of life, and the relationship with oneself, with 
others, the environment, and the Creator. (Al-Talib et. al., 2013) 
Muslim minority youth have been found to avoid sharing their learnings about 
Islam to their non-Muslim teachers and friends (Berglund, 2013 & Berglund, 2017). 
Sahin (2013) researched the formation of religious identities in youth, making 
comparisons between Muslim majority and minority contexts. Sahin emphasized the 
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urgent need for Muslim educators to focus on the issue of bringing up Muslim youth 
with a solid Muslim identity. However, such a lofty objective can only be achieved by 
studying and grasping clearly the processes as well as patterns that currently colour their 
perceptions of Islam. According to Sahin: 
The current discussions within Islamic education should not be limited 
to the issues of dress, physical education, halal meat provisions, and so 
on. These are important issues, but the preoccupation with them is 
diverting the attention of Muslim educators from addressing the central 
task of Islamic education. (Sahin, 2013) 
In Asia, children and youth are generally expected to adapt to norms within the 
group, rather than developing their own uniqueness. This creates conflict whereby the 
youth became aware of the importance of groups and relationships. The youth’s well- 
being is also related to harmonious relationships with the groups they identify with. 
Through communication with others, the self and identity develop. According to the 
symbolic interaction theory proposed by Mead (1940, cited in Sugimura et. al., 2015), 
a person’s identity is a result of the numerous interactions he has with others in the 
groups he is a part of. Identity formation is heavily affected by cultural values where 
the youth is exposed to regularly. The prevalent cultural values which shape the 
identity formation for Japanese youth is different from the Western perspective 
(Sugimura & Mizokami, 2012). In Western culture, there is relatively more room for 
individualism, whereas in Japan, the youth must carefully consider what others think 
of them, as having harmonious relationships is one of the most important goals in life. 
Hence, groups and relationships are relatively of higher importance in Japan, 
compared to the West (Sugimura et. al., 2015). 
  
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We learn from the above literatures how significant and distinct the period of 
adolescence is in comparison to other stages of the human life. Organisers and host 
parents involved in an intercultural exchange programme in which youth are the 
participants must take heed from the above points and provide enough time and space 
to address matters which are close to the youth's heart and mind, and to focus on aspects 
that can strengthen their identity development. For the Japan-Malaysia Youth Cultural 
Exchange Programme 2019, it means that the organisers and host parents must be 
prepared to accommodate the time and space to address fundamental questions 
including purpose of life, world of the unseen (God, angels), society and the universe 
at large from an Islamic point of view. Ignoring these matters would mean losing a 
golden opportunity to answer some deep, relevant questions tied to God, religion and 
Islam as exemplified by Prophet Ibrahim who was a young man when he challenged his 
people about idol worship. Prophet Ibrahim was not the only one. At the age of ten, Ali 
bin Abi Talib became the first male to embrace Islam. At such a young age, Ali already 
had a clear idea about his relationship with the Creator. Aisha RA, the wife of the 
Prophet SAW, was a leader at her young age, narrating many hadiths after the death of 
the Prophet SAW. Likewise, in the long run, the Cultural Exchange Programme aims 
to develop leadership skills in Muslim youth, by exposing them to sessions which are 
hoped to nurture their inherent leadership capabilities, including compassion and 
kindness (example: by preparing local cuisine and serving to the poor during the CEP), 
and confidence in public speaking (example: by presenting Japan and Japanese culture 
to the local Malaysian community during the CEP). 
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 The Value of Experiential Learning 
The main approach of the Cultural Exchange Programme is experiential 
learning, learning through experience, and learning by reflection upon doing. An 
experiential learner derives meaning from direct observation and experience, as 
opposed to rote learning (sit-and-listen). The underlying challenge in this programme 
is how to encourage the youth to learn and practice religiosity? In his book, New 
Directions in Islamic Education: Pedagogy and Identity Formation, Abdullah Sahin 
(2013) pointed out the idea of "methodical skepticism" experienced by the Prophet 
Ibrahim AS. One day, Prophet Ibrahim AS saw rotting animal bodies. It made him 
curious about resurrection in the Hereafter. He raised this question to Allah: 
“Behold" Ibrahim said: "My Lord! Show me how You give life to the 
dead." He said: "Do you not then believe?" He said: "Indeed! But to 
satisfy my own understanding." He said: "Take four birds; tame them to 
turn to you; put a portion of them on every hill and call to them: they 
will come to you (flying) with speed. Then know that Allah is Exalted 
in Power, Wise." (Al-Qur’an. Al-Baqarah. 2: 260) 
Thus, by witnessing how live birds die, then placed at four different spots, then 
came alive before him, Ibrahim AS satisfied his own curiosity. Similarly, for the 
Japanese youth in this Cultural Exchange Programme, getting their hands on food 
preparation and distributing it to the poor, seeing for themselves how a halal factory 
operates and slaughtering chicken with their own hands, playing interactive outdoor 
games together and with Malaysian youth, experiencing the hospitality and kindness of 
their host parents and families, were very different from sitting down in a classroom 
and listening to someone lecturing them. The Cultural Exchange Programme was 
deliberately designed to be highly experiential in nature. The researcher will discuss the 
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experiences of the participants of the Cultural Exchange Programme in greater detail in 
Chapter 5. 
2.5 Previous Studies on Youth and Cultural Exchange Programmes 
It is noted that short-term homestays have been proven to leave a lasting impact 
on youth, especially in terms of language and culture learning (Kinginger et. al., 2016). 
Therefore, planning and implementing a short-term cultural exchange programme is a 
viable initiative to reach out to the Japanese Muslim youth, taking into account the 
cultural sensitivities of both the youth and host families. Mealtime together with the 
host family, especially, provides a golden opportunity for both host and visiting youth 
to exchange ideas on aesthetics of food and associated ideologies (Kinginger et. al., 
2014). For example, students were found to be able to recognise and comprehend words 
that were region-specific in a four-week programme in Spain (Reynolds-Case, 2013). 
However, there might be a minimum level and amount of interactions with native 
speakers that need to take place before the visiting youth could gain cultural sensitivity 
(Martinsen, 2011). Through the host family, visiting youth come into contact with the 
community to benefit from established local networks (Castanēda & Zirger, 2011). 
Living with the host family is an experiential, enriching process in which students 
learn about a new culture, picking up language and communication skills which they 
could not have done in their native countries. Homestay programmes provide an 
alternative to formal instruction; joining a homestay programme allows students to 
immerse themselves in another culture (Knight & Schmidt-Rinehart, 2002). Youths are 
impressionable. Living in an environment they are not familiar with, particularly in a 
different country, will likely help develop a better appreciation of people they see as 
"others" (Stephenson, 1999). 
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A youth can learn about other cultures from reading books or magazines or 
watching media, but it is virtually impossible to truly appreciate and gain insights of 
another culture without an intercultural immersion. Being there, seeing what is being 
done, listening to what is being said, feeling what it is like being treated within a family 
in that culture is totally different from just reading about such experiences or watching 
on television or other media forms. There is so much potential to be gained from an 
intercultural experience, as the above studies suggest; but to be successful and to leave 
a lasting impression, a cultural exchange programme must be properly planned in great 
detail. The host family must put in effort to have at least a basic understanding of the 
sensitivities in the participating youth's culture. Likewise, the participating youth must 
be briefed adequately so as not to give a negative impression on the host family. In this 
way, expectations are more likely to be met and the cultural exchange programme will 
be more likely to succeed. 
 Previous Studies on Japanese Youth and Cultural Exchange 
Programmes 
If we were to look at the bigger picture of an international student exchange, we 
would see that it promotes mutual peace and understanding throughout the world 
(Deardoff, 2016). With careful planning and preparations, the cultural shock among 
incoming students would be minimised, and the effectiveness maximised (Seki, 2016). 
An immersive cultural experience would be life-transforming to students, not just a 
matter of changing locations for a period of time (Crawford, 2017). 
In a cultural exchange programme that documented the experiences of Japanese 
students from Jissen Women’s University in Japan coming to Visayas University, 
Philippines, it was found that, although the participants' intentions in the beginning were 
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purely academic, the results showed that they had developed self-confidence and 
connected with the Filipino students they interacted with. The Japanese students taking 
part in the study stated that they wanted to improve their English communication skills, 
yet what they gained was more than that. In this study, the researcher used the 
participants' written essays and responses to interviews to gain insights into the 
participants' intercultural experiences. This study suggests that intercultural experiences 
has the potential to develop participants' confidence and exposure and personal 
connection with the people they interacted with (Costas & Singco, 2016). 
In a study that explored the experiences of Japanese students in a cultural 
exchange programme in rural America, it was found that the Japanese students noted a 
lack of friendliness from the American hosts; they were not treated as warmly as they 
expected. According to the researchers, this study underlined the importance of positive 
human interactions in a cultural exchange programme, even if such expectations were 
not stated up front by the participants. The researchers pointed out that in a cultural 
exchange programme, human interactions must be taken into account and can make or 
break the programme (Hommadova & Mita, 2016). In another cultural exchange 
programme that involved Japanese students staying with American host families, 
researchers noted how important it was for both incoming students and the host families 
to understand the concept of hospitality from the respective cultures. For example, 
Americans expect their guests to be more self-reliant, whereas Japanese have 
superior- inferior relationships. Lack of understanding on how each party (guests and 
hosts) should behave can cause confusion from either side, and may be interpreted as 
lack of hospitality (Kobayashi & Viswat, 2015). 
  
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In a cultural exchange programme between Tohoku University and University of 
Science and Technology in Beijing, first year students from the Department of 
Engineering are mixed and matched, then worked together to present their research. 
According to the researchers, although the Japanese and Chinese students had to put in 
many hours of proactive work and many hours of practising English to communicate 
with one another, despite communication gaps, working together with others of a 
different nationality and culture yet like-minded and motivated created a keen sense of 
accomplishment in the participants (Webeck et. al., 2019). 
Intercultural interactions have been proven to bring about change over time, as 
long as the interactions are positive, constructive, with the intention of sharing noble 
values. Positive attitudes of a caring, kind and attentive Muslim are likely to generate 
interest in another Muslim, as well as non-Muslim as proven historically: Islam was 
introduced to the Malay Archipelago by Arab traders who acted as missionaries. These 
Arab traders travelled through two main routes. One was by sea, from Jeddah to Eden, 
before passing through Gujerat and landing on the shores of Tanah Melayu. The second 
group travelled by land, passing through Syria, Iraq, across Persia through Afghanistan, 
moving towards China, before stepping into the Malay Archipelago (Yahaya, 2001, 
cited by Ahmad et. al., 2012). From here we know that it takes a lot of deliberate effort 
to spread the message of Islam. 
Transformation does not take place overnight. Change happens very gradually. 
Intercultural interactions between Muslims include: 1) creating harmonious 
relationships; 2) establishing brotherhood; 3) not insulting other Muslims; 4) not 
harbouring bad thoughts, looking for others’ mistakes, back-biting; 5) making real 
efforts to understand one another; and 6) showing love and affection towards each 
other. Ethical intercultural interactions with non-Muslims include: 1) mutual 
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cooperation where possible; 2) firmness on matters of principle; 3) establishing a 
peaceful relationship with non-Muslims; 4) being considerate, treating non-Muslims 
with kindness; 5) not making friends with non-Muslims who are hostile towards Islam 
and Muslims; and 6) treating non-Muslims with justice (Pranoto et. al., 2016). 
The outcomes of an international cultural exchange programme depend on the 
design and purpose of the programme. In Europe, the Erasmus programme is a well- 
known cultural exchange programme that has been running for more than three decades. 
In the Erasmus programme, introduced in 1987, European students get to study and live 
in different European countries. Erasmus students have been found to gain an enhanced 
identity as Europeans as well as their respective national identities upon completion of 
the programme. However, how much their European and national identities are 
enhanced depend on the kind of the interactions they had throughout the cultural 
exchange programme (Stoeckel, 2016). 
A study abroad programme is transformative, an opportunity to broaden one's 
horizons, with many potentially positive outcomes. The Asian Youth Forum, for 
example, gathers thirty to eighty youth from ten to fifteen countries including Korea, 
Japan, Vietnam, Cambodia, the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia and throughout 
Asia, in an intensive programme that requires them to exchange ideas within and outside 
the classroom. In this way, the youth gain a greater understanding of global issues and 
leadership (Cates, 2017). However, for a cultural exchange programme to be successful, 
both the sending and receiving parties in both countries must be adequately prepared. 
In the process of such preparations, culturally sensitive themes like gender roles and 
power relations, if not tactfully handled, could cause the programme to be less effective, 
as found in an exchange programme between Germany and Ghana (Abdulai, 2019). 
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It can be seen from the above studies that a cultural exchange programme, if 
initiated with good intentions, serves a long-term purpose similar to the Al-ta’āruf  
Concept. Indeed, establishing peaceful coexistence between cultures, known as Al- 
ta’ayush Al-Silmīyy, is the seventh, final stage of the Concept of Al-ta’āruf . The 
process of achieving peace and understanding requires sincere and serious efforts by a 
strong team to tailor the activities of the present study, so that it meets the needs of the 
incoming students, a process which begins with Stage 1 (Tahāwur, "Dialogue") and 
ends with Stage 7 (Al-ta’ayush Al-Silmīyy) . Such lofty aims are only achievable if the 
students become deeply involved in a foreign culture and connect personally with their 
respective hosts, immersing themselves into the lives of host families. Although the 
Concept of Al-ta’āruf  was not mentioned explicitly in previous studies relating to 
cultural exchange programmes, the element of peaceful coexistence among different 
cultures may be found in most cultural exchange programmes carried out in the South 
East Asia, the United States of America, and the European countries. In addition, it 
would seem that there is still a limited number of research into the cultural exchange 
programmes involving Japanese Muslim youth. Therefore, this thesis seeks to 
contribute to determine if there is merit in reaching out to the Japanese Muslim youth 
through a cultural exchange programme in order to strengthen their faith in Islam. 
2.6 Conclusion 
The literature review in this chapter provides a brief historical, socio-economic, 
religio-institutional and political backgrounds for Muslims in Japan. It has helped the 
researcher gain valuable insights into how to design the Japan-Malaysia Youth Cultural 
Exchange Programme 2019 in such a way as to create meaningful experiences for the 
Japanese Muslim youth. To make the present study work, it is important to understand 
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and appreciate Japanese culture before trying to approach Japanese youth, and to be 
aware that religion in Japanese culture is a very personal matter. Talking about religion 
does not come naturally to Japanese youth whether they are Muslim or not. Therefore, 
the Malaysian hosts must do everything they can to earn the Japanese Muslim youth's 
trust, so that the youth do not feel awkward to open up about personal matters including 
religion. 
Knowing the predominant attitude of indifference towards religion among 
ethnic Japanese, it is important that the present study be devised to create a 
consciousness and realisation in the minds of the Japanese Muslim youth as to how 
religion can have a powerful influence, a source of guidance and purpose in a person's 
life. 
The Japanese Muslim youth, by virtue of their mixed parentage, were used to 
being treated as people who do not belong to Japanese society because they do not look 
Japanese. More than anything, they wanted to be treated with respect and dignity as 
human beings, nothing less. The Japanese Muslim youth longed to be accepted and 
acknowledged for who they are, especially in their period of life as adolescents. The 
present study must be fashioned in such a way as to make the Japanese Muslim youth 
feel accepted for who they are. It does not matter how they look or where their parents 
originated from, they must feel welcome in Malaysia and, ideally, desire to return to 
Malaysia in future. The Malaysian hosts must not make any unbecoming remarks about 
their physical features so as not to affect the Al-ta’āruf  process in a negative way. The 
hosts must also take time not to rush to develop a warm, positive relationship with the 
Japanese Muslim youth they would be hosting. 
  
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This chapter spells out why this study is significant in light of the serious 
challenges faced by the Japanese Muslim parents in nurturing the Muslim identity in 
their children. It also presents the intercultural approach as an alternative, experiential 
method to engage with the Japanese Muslim youth, to complement usual methods of 
learning Islam e.g. classroom and lecture halls. Further, the intercultural approach in 
this study applies the Al-ta’āruf  Concept, which forms the backbone of this research. 
Geographically, Malaysia is a Muslim majority country that is located nearest to 
Japan. Hence, we owe it to the Muslims in Japan to lend a hand to preserve the identity 
of Muslim youth there. We cannot ignore the issues faced by the Muslim minority in 
Japan. Despite the growing number of Muslims in Japan, these are predominantly 
foreigners, not ethnic Japanese. The number of ethnic Japanese Muslims is tiny; 
Muslim parents are finding it truly challenging to raise their children as Muslims and 
to ensure these children choose to be Muslim for the rest of their adult life. The 
intercultural approach provides an alternative approach of reaching out to the Japanese 
Muslim youth, to grow their interest and confidence in Islam. 
As part of humanity, no matter in which city we call home, the advent of the 
Internet as well as how businesses and communication take place are making the world 
more global. People of different religions and ethnicities are naturally curious of each 
other. Exposure to different cultures can broaden the worldviews of both host parents 
and students. If visiting non-Muslim students are connected with practising Muslims, it 
will help them understand how real Muslims live. The present study was actually a 
short-term homestay programme where Japanese foreign students were placed with 
local Muslim families as hosts. The present study was significant because it created an 
entirely new experience for the Japanese Muslim youth. For the first time, they had 
face-to-face interactions with practising Muslims in a Muslim majority country. 
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The next chapter discusses the research design and methods of data collection for 
this thesis.